Three years have passed since the United Kingdom began publicly assisting Nigeria in its efforts to confront the country’s domestic kidnapping crisis. Over the same period, figures from Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics show the number of kidnapped citizens rising at an alarming rate.
UK ministers have repeatedly highlighted the same flagship measure in Parliament: the UK-backed creation of Nigeria’s Multi-Agency Kidnap Fusion Cell, known as the MAKFC.
Speaking to Parliament in March 2024, then Conservative Minister of State Andrew Mitchell MP stated that the UK National Crime Agency was supporting Nigeria in establishing a Multi-Agency Kidnap Fusion Cell aimed at strengthening coordination in response to kidnappings.
This message has been reinforced by subsequent ministerial statements, including endorsements by Labour’s Minister of State at the FCDO, Baroness Chapman of Darlington, and remarks by Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon, who have cited the MAKFC as a practical example of the UK’s security partnership with Nigeria.
The rationale behind the Fusion Cell is clear. It is not a police or military unit, nor is it intended to replace existing institutions. Instead, it operates under the Office of the National Security Adviser as a coordination centre, bringing together security, intelligence, and justice agencies within a unified operational framework. By aligning investigations and involving prosecutors early, the model is designed to reduce duplication, speed up responses, and strengthen prosecution outcomes.
UK support, delivered through the National Crime Agency, has focused on technical advice, training, and mentoring in kidnap management, negotiation, intelligence analysis, and multi-agency coordination. The stated objective has been to help Nigeria build durable systems capable of responding effectively to complex cases.

Yet the steady drumbeat of high-profile kidnappings raises urgent questions about what impact, if any, these efforts are having. Over the past year, Nigerians have been confronted with repeated mass abductions, attacks on schools, places of worship, and major transport routes, often involving dozens of people taken at a time. Each incident spreads fear, disrupts daily life, and further strains public confidence in the state’s ability to respond. What follows is a familiar pattern of scrutiny, centred on intelligence sharing, coordination between agencies, and the extent to which perpetrators are being held accountable.
UK officials have pointed to progress. Gill Lever OBE, Deputy High Commissioner in Abuja, has welcomed advances made since the Fusion Cell’s establishment in 2024 and stated that the UK will continue to support Nigeria’s anti-kidnapping and counter-terrorism efforts, highlighting the importance of collaboration across security and justice institutions. This signals confidence in the overall approach being taken, but offers little insight into how progress is being measured. At present, there is limited public information showing how these efforts are translating into a sustained reduction in kidnapping incidents.
In the first weeks of this year, several kidnapping atrocities have already taken place, including the brazen abduction of 177 churchgoers from multiple churches in Kumin Wali, a remote community in Kajuru in southern Kaduna State. Equally disturbing were the initial denials by local authorities, including the State Commissioner of Police, denying that the abductions had occurred at all. Only after pressure from civil society did it emerge that initial official statements did not reflect the reality faced by the community. This denial bought vital time for the kidnappers to move their captives on foot, without any meaningful intervention from those charged with protecting citizens. Incidents like this highlight how little publicly available evidence there is of the UK-backed MAKFC shaping real-time responses when they are most needed.
For communities living under the constant threat of abduction, progress must be tangible. These initiatives must translate into fewer kidnappings, shorter periods in captivity, and visible accountability for those responsible. Without this clarity, public confidence will continue to erode, regardless of how well-designed coordination frameworks may appear on paper.
Kidnapping thrives on delay, fragmentation, and weak accountability. Coordination is not a silver bullet, but without it, no response can be effective. Three years after the UK began publicly highlighting its support for Nigeria’s anti-kidnapping efforts, the moment has arrived to move from commitment to tangible results.
Good intentions are no longer enough. What matters now is whether this partnership is delivering peace-yielding dividends for Nigerians who live with fear as a daily reality.
By Vivian Salie
Vivian Salie is a volunteer writer and advocate at PSJ UK, an advocacy charity mobilising the UK-based Nigerian diaspora community and friends of Nigeria to contribute positively towards driving peace, justice, unity, and prosperity. She is completing her Master's at Aberystwyth University in international relations, with a focus on sustainable regenerative humanitarian response.
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